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Masquerade performances in Igbo land embody the cultural practices
and customs of the people. Loosely, the term masquerade is used to
refer to all forms of performances involving masking, but strictly
speaking, masquerade in the Igbo context refers to masked spirits or
re-embodied ancestral spirits.
Masquerading is a cultural practice, which has its roots in the
ancestral reverence common in the traditional society. In the past,
the masquerade cult was shrouded in mystery. However, modern day
masquerade performances have become influenced by the modernizing
tendencies of contemporary society. As a result of this, masquerade
performances have gradually pulled away from highly restricted cult
activities to become popular entertainment in the various
communities. From performances during ancestral feasts, festivals,
worship of gods and funeral or initiation of members, masquerading
has expanded in scope to include performances during Christian
religious celebrations.
This paper examines this exciting marriage of culture and foreign
religion, which is epitomized in Christmas masquerade performances.
In most parts of Igbo land, masquerade performances have become an
integral part of Christmas celebrations, however, despite this
seeming integration, the masquerade cult has still not divulged its
secrets to the uninitiated. It is still encircled in its secrecy; it
still exudes its aura and has retained its fascination and splendour
and continues to enjoy popularity among its teeming audience.
This paper further examines the aesthetics and functionalism of
masquerade performances and exposes the enduring attraction of
masquerades both as entertainment and purveyor of culture. These
revelations, though aimed at drawing the audience closer to the
esoteric aura of the masquerade, could achieve different objectives.
THE AURA OF MASQUERADES
The masquerade society is an institution bound up inextricably with
the life of the old generation of the Igbo. This generation
practised the worship of gods and ancestors. Life was believed to be
cyclical. The land of the living was not far removed from the domain
of the ancestors. There was coming and going and continuous
interaction between the living and the dead, especially during
festivals. G.T Basden (1966:98) made this observation when he
visited Igbo land:
The
Igbo believes that Intercourse with the spirit world present no
great difficulty, and it is practised as a common custom.
This belief system is epitomized in the masquerade institution.
Masquerades are believed to be visitors from the spirit world. The
Igbo believe that masquerades are sacred beings. They are not seen
as human representation of spirits. Rather, they are believed to be
spirits, the spirits of the ancestors of the clan. These re-embodied
spirits emerge from the world of the dead to visit their former
abode (the world of the living), especially during festivals when
they are disposed to share in the celebrations. The spirits in form
of masquerades are accorded the full honours and reverence usually
reserved for the ancestors of the clan. Onuorah Nzekwu (1981:132)
observes that
Even
an initiate keeps well out of the way of a masquerader belonging to
a cult from another community.
In Igbo traditional society, masquerades exercised power over life
and death. They were endowed with the sanctity of spirit, and in
virtue, therefore, inviolate. Masquerades were, therefore, greatly
revered by the community. They were at liberty to take any decision,
pass any judgment, enter any premises or carry out any action. This
was partly because the activities of the masquerade cult were
shrouded in mystery, and partly because of the people’s belief
system.
The secrets of the masquerade society were vigorously guarded. The
“making of the masquerade” as it is termed in some Igbo communities,
was entirely the sole prerogative of initiates, and to reveal its
procedure was dangerous. Only men could be initiated into the
masquerade cult. Women were not allowed to become members. The only
exception to the rule, in some Igbo communities, was very elderly
women who had long passed the age of childbearing. Such women were
socially regarded as men. Very few of them were admitted and even
those were not let into the secrets of the cult. They were given the
responsibility of weeding and sweeping the performance arena in
front of the masquerade house and scrubbing and painting the outside
walls of the masquerade house with coloured patterns and drawings,
known as uli in some parts of Igboland. They never had access to the
interior of the house. They may also perform as part of the choral
groups as noted by Ossie Enekwe (1987: 67)
In
Igboland, aged women, especially those who have distinguished sons,
may be admitted into the masking cult because it is improper to
frighten them. But they are expected to participate actively in the
preparation and performances … although they only perform as part of
the choral groups.
The secrets of the masquerade were thus jealously guarded. Their
laws were religiously enforced. Non-initiates lived in perpetual
fear of the sacred beings. This was because, at their peak,
masquerades assumed legislative and judicial control of the society.
In modern day Igbo society, a lot has changed. Masquerades, do not
wield absolute power over the society. The awe in which the
masquerade is held and the esoteric aura it exudes, however still
lingers. As Onuora Nzekwu (1981:131) observes,
Today,
masquerading has lost most of the religious ideas which brought it
into being and sustained it. Yet at first sight, it still appears to
have all the essence, vitality and prestige which characterized it
not so long ago.
The audience at a modern masquerade display is awed by the reverence
born of traditional obeisance. Non-initiates watch masquerade
displays standing at a safe distance as traditional obeisance
demands. They pay to masquerades, the due respect which tradition
prescribes, and run away when masquerades approach them.
AESTHETIC VALUES AND FUNCTIONALISM OF MASQUERADES
Masquerades possess aesthetic qualities which attract large audience
to their performances. They form an integral part of festivals and
cultural displays and exhibit elaborate artistic dexterity during
celebrations such as cultural festivals, funerals, historical
enactments and religious feasts.
Masquerade activities belong to the traditional Igbo society.
However, many practices of the traditional society have been greatly
influenced. With the advent of Christianity and subsequent western
isolation, many adjustments have become inevitable as Elizabeth
Isichei (1976:113) observes:
In the
middle years of the nineteenth Century, Igboland was surrounded by
an inexorably rising tide of alien encroachment.
The masquerade institution was not left out by this “rising tide of
alien encroachment”. Most of the trappings of the traditional
society have worn thin. Masquerades have become more or less a
source of entertainment in the people’s lives. G.T Basden (1966:104)
supports this assertion when he contends that
Nowadays, it has rather degenerated into a form of playacting. A
manifestation of re-embodied spirits can take place at anytime, with
a more pronounced display on festal occasions.
Masquerades hold a fascination for all age groups. Their aesthetic
values are significant and provide the motivation for modern
acceptance, as they often constitute the major entertainers during
Christian celebrations such as Christmas and Easter. The music,
drama, dance, mime and songs incorporated into their performances,
provide entertainment for the audience, while at the same time
performing some other socio-cultural functions. Masquerade displays
hold a fascination and appeal which stems partly from traditional
expectations and partly from the people’s genuine love for art.
These performances are organised during Christmas celebrations for
diverse purposes. As Onuora Nzekwu (1981:134-135) observes,
Masquerade displays have become more of a socialappendage to the
religious festivals and observances to which they were attached.
This explains why the Ibo were the first in the country to make
masquerade displays and traditional dances the highlights of such
Christian feasts as Christmas and Easter.
The music, drama, dance, mime and songs in a masquerade display
possess intrinsic value quite apart from their worth as
entertainment. Masquerade performances are good mediums and avenues
suited for making deep psychological probes into the socio-political
life of the community. Masquerades function as social critics.
Because of their traditional inviolate status, they can comment on
relevant and sensitive issues especially on issues of serious
concern in the community. Hidden or sacred information may be
unearthed and made public, not for the pleasure of entertainment but
for necessary action and correction.
Masquerades, through their songs, chants and even actions, act as
the watchdog of the society. Through their songs and drama, they
comment on contemporary issues and sometimes, proffer solutions to
existing problems, or predict the future of certain situations.
Sometimes, past events are dramatized through songs in order to
expose decisions which were inimical or advantageous to the present
reality, as well as to the future development of the community.
The community thus looks upon the masquerade as a “voice” for the
people. These masquerades employ the use of satire, to give
exposition to burning issues and problems of grave concern to the
community. They employ revolutionary songs and dramatic techniques
capable of bearing the burden of their messages across to the
people. An example is to be found in these excerpts from a 1984
Christmas performance, which took place in Utuh community. The
writer was present at that performance and so, recorded the songs
first hand. The first excerpt is a song indicting a certain wicked
man in the town called Umeugo, who was in the habit of eliminating
people through poisoning and other diabolical practices. The song is
translated into English thus:
Masquerade: Mortal bodies, will death not cease if Umeugo is
no more?
Chorus:
Yes death will cease if Umeugo is no more.
Umeugo is the messenger of death.
Umeugo is the cause of death.
Umeugo is the bringer of death.
If you sight Umeugo on your path
Run for your life!
If you happen to pass Umeugo’s compound.
Run for your life!
If you meet Umeugo face to face.
Run and never look back!
Masquerade: Mortal bodies, will death not cease if Umeugo is no
more?
Chorus:
Yes death will cease if Umeugo is no more.
Umeugo uses poison
Umeugo uses supernatural powers.
Umeugo is the messenger of death
Umeugo is the cause of death
Umeugo is the bringer of death
Run for your lives!
The
second excerpt is a song of triumph, which also ridicules the
community for not having electricity and pipe-borne water. A
visiting masquerade group from another community who came to perform
at Utuh performance arena performed the song. It goes thus:
Masquerade: Is Utuh not subordinate to Ebenator?
Chorus:
Yes Utuh is subordinate to Ebenator.
Utuh is incapable of having pipe-borne water
Utuh is a weakling!
Ebenator has electricity
Ebenator has pipe-borne water
Ebenator is an Iroko tree
Utuh is a weakling!
Thus,
some of their songs address issues, which are relevant tothe social
well being of the community. And because of the awe in which the
masquerade is held, their decrees, pronunciations, citations,
observations and injunctions are usually regarded as sacred and
unquestionable. As such, people or communities have been known to
initiate change after being satirised by the masquerade. In the two
cases cited above, some changes were recorded after the performance,
which could be regarded as direct or indirect response to the
indictment in the songs. Indigenes of Utuh community contributed
money and installed electricity within six months of the spectacle.
Umeugo, the man in the other song, was ostracised by his clans-men
who up till then, had lived in perpetual fear of him. This fear kept
them from acknowledging his deeds openly, but by the time the
masquerade exposed his deeds through their songs, the songs became
very popular especially among school children. The man died a year
latter, probably out of loneliness and psychological torture.
These socio-political functions of the masquerade, serve to maintain
law and order among members of the community, which eventually leads
to positive socio-political change. As Ossie Enekwe (1987:58)
observes,
Masks
may discipline thieves, adulterers, indolent people and the haughty.
Some masks publicly lampoon, curse, warn and rebuke erring members
of society.
Masquerade performances during Christmas celebrations have come to
stay in Igboland. Their popularity will probably never wane, because
of their aesthetic functions and values.
MODE OF PERFORMANCE
During Christmas celebrations, masquerades from different villages
or towns put up spectacular performances in village squares, market
squares, masquerade arenas, school compounds and any open spaces
capable of attracting audience. Different types and categories of
masquerades take part in these performances. Masquerades such as the
Agbogho Mmo (maiden spirit) Odogwu (Aggressive
youthful Spirit) Okpoka (the strong one) and Ejeakpoego Oku (shall
we burn money?), Aguiyi (crocodile) Anyinya ka Agu Mma
(the Horse that is more beautiful than the Lion), Atu (Deer),
Akakpo Mmo (short thickset masquerade) and Mmonwu
(Ancestral Spirit). Masquerades such as Mmonwu perform only
in masquerade arenas, while some of the other types can perform in
any open space.
Music and songs are an essential part of masquerade performances.
Musical instruments form part of the total communication system by
providing the background to the action as well as being part of the
action. Fire arms, too, are sometimes fired as part of the
communication system used to heighten the excitement of a
performance both for the performer and the audience. The audience at
a Christmas masquerade performance is usually very demanding because
the emphasis is on entertainment.
In Ossie Enekwe’s (1987:84) observation,
Maskers have to keep monitoring the responses they receive. The
audience continuously assesses the performer. If it is dissatisfied,
it makes its feelings clear by loud remarks.
Masquerade performance is theatre in spite of its relation to
supernatural agencies. In fact, it is the supernatural aura that
adds to the aesthetic experience. There are different categories and
types of masquerades and each type adopts its own peculiar mode of
performance. As Nnabuenyi Ugonna (1984:1) identifies,
Here,
two forms of masking, one sacred and the other secular, are
recognized, the sacred-being exclusively known as Mmonwu and the
secular described asegwuregwu eworewo.
If we use Mmonwu (Ancestral Spirit) masquerade performance in Utuh
community for analysis, mmonwu performances do not hold just
anywhere. They usually perform in masquerade arenas called Obom
Mmonwu. These categories of masquerades are described by Nnabuenyi
Ugonna (1984:1) thus:
… the
term Mmonwu is restricted to a unique type of drama featuring masked
characters generally regarded as “spirits” and therefore does not
apply to all and every performance in which masked figures feature.
When this category of masquerades are to perform in another
community, they will either ‘resurrect’ from their own
masquerade-house (depending on the distance) and travel visibly to
that community’s masquerade-house; or the particular masquerade cult
will resurrect their masquerade or masquerades from the Obom of the
host community where they are to perform.
In the area of costume and make-up, one is wont to observe that the
designers of these masquerades are very imaginative and creative.
Costumes include raffia-palmleaves, mat, coloured fabrics, animal
feathers, and matted, woven or plaited fabrics. Some are designed to
represent certain animals, birds and reptiles. Sometimes, the
face-covering may be joined to the costume as part of the whole, or,
a mask could be used. Some of the designs on the masks could be
wonderfully ornate, with carved birds and animals, and with plumes
and pieces of mirror which flash in the sun during performances.
These are used mainly for entertainment and amusement. Some others
could be carved to represent caricatures of wild beasts with huge
fangs and glaring eye spaces. These costumes further aid in
enhancing the mystical and mythical aura surrounding the masquerade.
During masquerade performances, people would usually gather in the
arena long before the masquerade appears. There are three categories
of performers in a masquerade (Mmonwu) display; the masked spirits,
the male (initiates) chorus and the female chorus made up of
initiated elderly women. The chorus usually entertains the audience
with songs and dancing before the masked spirits enter the arena led
by the stout masquerade known as akakpo mmonwu. The duty of the male
chorus is to attend to the masked spirits and to chorus songs during
the performance. They usually stay ahead of the masked spirits to
clear a path before them, by arming themselves with canes which they
swing about violently whether there is anybody to strike or not. As
a matter of fact, they do not strike many people, because at the
first sight or sound of an approaching masquerade, non-initiates and
women maintain a reasonable distance.
The Akakpo is the most active of the masquerades. He rushes hither
and thither as the impulse moves him. Some times, as many as four
masquerades could be involved in a performance at the arena,
sometimes three and some times only two would perform depending on
the number a group could afford to ‘resurrect’. Some of them could
act very violently when performing and therefore, they are usually
restrained by the eulogic exhortations of the chorus. Some times,
the masquerade would turn round and chase the chorus and they would
run for their lives, but they always return to their positions.
These constitute part of the excitement in a masquerade performance.
Sometimes the masquerades sing in their tremulous unearthly voices
to the beating of drums; sometimes the masquerades dance and the
audience become captivated by the beauty of their performance. In
the heat of these actions, when the performance gradually reaches a
frenzy where performers and spectators are lost to the magic of the
masquerade aura, the entire arena would be engulfed in dancing and
swaying, though with the spectators still maintaining a reasonable
distance.
Masquerade performances have gradually become an integral part of
Christmas celebrations in Igbo land. The performances are usually
entertaining, fascinating and educative, and the appeal cuts across
religious barriers. They have become part of Christmas celebrations,
so much so that most Igbo communities have come to associate
Christmas festivities with masquerade performances. As the situation
stands, Christmas celebrations would seem incomplete without
masquerade performances in most parts of Igboland, in spite of the
onslaught on cultural practices by Christianity Igboland in the
present times.
REFERENCES
Basden, G.T. 1966. Niger Ibos. London: Frank Cass & Co.
Doring, Tobias (ed). 2002. Matatu Journal of African Cultures,
Visual Arts and the Museum: Sights/Sites of Creativity and Conflict.
Amsterdam & New York: Editions Rodopi.
Enekwe, Ossie 1987. Igbo Masks: The Ones of Ritual and Theatre.
Lagos: Nigeria Magazine.
Isichei, Elizabeth 1976. A History of the Igbo People. London and
Basingstoke: The Macmillian Press Ltd.
Marinis, Marco 1993. The Semiotics of Performance. Aine O’Healy
(Trans). Bloomington: Indiana University.
Nzekwu, Onuora 1981. “Masquerade”, in Yemi Ogunbiyi (ed) Drama and
Theatre in Nigeria: A critical Source Book.
Lagos: Nigeria Magazine
Nnabuenyi, Ugonna 1984. Mmonwu: A Dramatic Tradition of the Igbo.
Nigeria: Lagos University Press. |
