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Introduction
Great nations
write their autobiographies in three manuscripts - the book of
deeds , the book of their words and the book of their art – {John Ruskin 1995:37).
In most parts of Africa, oral tradition has been a major
method of passing down from generation to generation various forms
of information on their histories, customs and traditions, values
and norms, even methods of processing some technological innovations
(Andah and Okpoko 1979). Oral tradition has served as one of the
important methods of reviewing and reconstructing the past. It has
been rightly described as the bedrock of all historical traditions
in Africa (Alagoa 1985). In very early societies in parts of the
world that knew no forms of writing, it actually served as an
integral part of the process of transmitting information. Most
importantly, many historical sources, including the most ancient
ones were based on this single source (Vansina 1965:11).
Oral tradition can
be defined in various ways, but due to the extremely varied forms of
oral traditions, Ryder (1970:32) claimed that it is difficult to
offer a satisfactory definition embracing them all. However, Vansina
(1960:4) defines it as “testimonies, which are deliberately
transmitted from mouth to mouth, and are concerned about past
events”. Its necessary characteristics are “the oral nature and
transmission from the original eyewitness through a series of
witnesses by hearsay to the present day witness” (Vansina 1960:4).
Therefore, much of the recalling of traditions over time comes from
the memory of those we can call historical witnesses. However, a
major factor, which affects human memory, is time. Time seems to
work against human memory (Brown 1977:79).
To counter the effects of time on memory, it is believed that
men had always employed various objects as mnemonics, which are
devices or techniques used to help organize memories (Kiebel
1990:91). Kiebel further defines mnemonics as “specific devices used
by people to help them store and retrieve events adequately.”
It is believed that the earliest use of mnemonics was by the
Greeks, when Simonides (cir. 500 B.C) a Greek poet, utilized it to
fully recall an event (Brown 1977:80). However, there is cause to
believe that devices such as mnemonics might be inborn
characteristics of man. Even as early as the period of
hunter-gatherer and cave-dwelling man, rocks and boulders might have
been used for remembering directions (Kiebel 1990:91). As time went
by, information is believed to have been stored by marks on clay or
wax tablets prior to written texts on various forms of paper.
Counted also as mnemonics are tape recorders, videotapes and discs,
and microchips with computers, all of which indicate man’s need to
store and remember information (Kiebel 1990:91).
Visual memory is easier to remember than abstract concepts as the
former produces a fairly clear image of the information to be
conveyed (Brown 1977:43). Information can, therefore, be derived
from art objects as we often see in paintings and pictures. A
deliberate use of art objects as mnemonics has been found among the
people of the erstwhile kingdom of Benin particularly during
pre-colonial times. As Egharevba (1946) tells us,
In ancient days, when the
knowledge of books and literature were unknown in Africa, brass
casting or pictorial writing were the only methods for the
preservation of the recovering of events in Benin, as a result
of her civilization on the bank of the Niger.
This fact was further reiterated by the Oba of Benin (1982:
5):
What we refer
to as works of art were not intended to be works of art in the
modern sense… they were made specifically for recording
important events in the absence of present day writing or
photography.
In this respect, we
may see Benin art objects as containing historical information to
aid recollection of the past. This paper, therefore, examines Benin
art objects in this perspective, exposing the apparent neglect of
the objects intended to be mnemonics by the original maker or user.
Furthermore, it advocates the need to use these objects in their
present form to simulate past events.
The Use of Art
Objects as Mnemonics in Benin History
Benin traditions are popularly transmitted in the form of
commemorative festivals, stories, plays, songs, poems, riddles,
proverbs and other forms of oral literature. Anthropologists,
historians and various researchers working in the area of Benin
studies have documented much of these. Art objects which can be
passed for mnemonics (in recalling traditions) include clay
figurines and mud sculptures, architectural edifices, objects of
iron, wood, ivory, tusks with carved designs, bronze objects
including wall plaques and various forms of objects made out of the
above listed materials. Also included are woven or leather items
with special designs.
The earliest use of art objects as mnemonics can be traced
back to the time when the Benin people commenced a settled mode of
life. They are believed to have lived in small communities with
their family heads as leaders of each small unit assisted by other
elders (Omoregie pers. Comm. 1992). It is further believed that this
period preceded the advent of a monarchical political culture in
Benin as from A.D. 900 (Onwuejeogwu 1980:23). Each family in the
communities kept and maintained a place of worship, more or less in
the form of a raised platform, an altar or a shrine. These places of
worship were speculated to have housed mud or wooden sculptures or
figurines representing ancestors, and pieces of carved items such as
spears associated with particular ancestors and which, for that very
reason, were placed next to the figurines, to help recall what the
personality was known for in life (Omoregie 1992). The head of the
family was usually in charge of the altars. As part of the
tradition, family members had to study the items on the altars and
become conversant with the objects and what or whom the objects
represented in the family. In that way traditions and stories
concerning ancestors were preserved and passed on by means of the
various items placed in the altars.
From the family structure to the larger village set - up, the
headman and the council of elders in the village were in charge of
communal shrines and were responsible for presiding over the worship
of their common ancestors, which were similar to the family worship.
The system of using art objects on family altars believed to
have been established by the early settlers in Benin was carried on
into the establishment of the 1st dynasty known as the
Ogiso era, c. A.D. 900. To facilitate the worship of past
ancestors as well as rulers, a royal council of hereditary titled
men called Ughoron was formed during this period.
Ughoron means “keepers of the keys to the heavenly gates”
or “worshippers of the ancestors”. This group of elders was solely
responsible for the maintenance of objects belonging to ancestors in
the royal altars, and is believed to have passed on the oral history
of the Benin from generation to generation, with the aid of the mud
figurines and other objects. It is also believed that in order to
differentiate individual rulers from others, their sculptures were
executed in special ways with specific identifying marks, which the
Ughoron chiefs could identify in their narrations. Members of
the Ughoron were regarded as the closest group to the Oba;
they were also regarded as seers because they could link the past
(rulers) with the present in their historical narratives.
During the reign of the third monarch in the Ogiso
era, it is believed that the guild system was set up to facilitate
the production of art works. Artists and craftsmen in the kingdom
were drafted under a compulsory scheme of the guild system to
produce objects representing events and human efforts (Agbontaen
1990:5). These objects were then preserved in the royal altars. Even
in contemporary times families still maintain ancestral altars, but
the duty and responsibility of preserving artifacts related to the
achievements as well as items of commemorative significance
associated with the deeds and lives of past rulers were left in the
royal altars under the care of the Ughoron (Omoruyi pers.comm
1992, 1994).
With the founding of the present ruling dynasty, c. A.D.
1200, a royal society known as Ihogbe headed by Chiefs Ihama
and Isekhure replaced the Ughoron. They took over the
responsibility of maintaining the royal altars and handing down of
traditions to the next generation. The Ihogbe chiefs thus preserved
the royal altars, Ugha erha’Oba, that incorporate the bulk of
the royal history.
From the preceding discussion, it may be argued that many
works of art belonging to the Benin past were not deliberately
created with the aim of merely pleasing the human senses as several
generations of scholars have tended to make us believe. Rather, as
Andah (1988:222) reminded us, “through the ages, African art was
hardly ever solely aesthetic in conception and purpose – but rather
variously combined ritual, magico-religious, commemorative and
utilitarian functions”. This is undoubtedly the case with what has
come to be conventionally known as Benin art, a European concept
smuggled into our contemporary cultural life through our Western
education and the many obsessions it created in our consciousness.
What the ethnography of Benin reveals is that many of the so-called
art objects were not art at all but manufactured with the express
purpose of fulfilling specific commemorative functions in a
deliberate effort to preserve the past.
One important factor, which aided the proliferation of art
works for posterity, was the guild system in pre-colonial Benin.
Under this system, various professionals and craftsmen were
organized under strict royal patronage to produce their works on a
regular basis. With the establishment of the guilds that were in
charge of specific arts and crafts the work of the professionals and
craftsmen was regulated and designed at most times to meet the needs
of the Oba and the people. The Oba required the services of the
guild of craftsmen to produce objects of worship of various kinds.
These included objects to preserve the memory of the past Obas. Of
utmost importance also was the work of those designated as
‘recorders of events’ in pre-colonial Benin. As Egharevba accurately
testifies (1946:6) the custodians of the lore of the land needed to
create mnemonic devises to help them recollect the past. This
accounts for the numerous pieces of art works found in Benin during
the British expedition of 1897. For instance, when a king died, his
successor commissioned a bust to be cast in bronze for the purpose
of decorating an altar erected by him (the successor Oba) in memory
of his predecessor, (Dark, 1973:4) There is little doubt, therefore,
that Benin art was produced for the more overriding purpose of
recording historical events, a serious enough political engagement
that necessitated that artists and craftsmen be employed to record
local events in the kingdom. It was not surprising, therefore, that
when the Europeans first visited Benin, their appearances, dresses,
weapons, utensils and details about their persons were faithfully
and widely recorded on wood, ivory and brass work. It was partly as
a result of this practice that brass works and carvings both in wood
and ivory depicting Portuguese soldiers and their arms have been
preserved for us in the museums in Benin and elsewhere in Nigeria as
well as outside the country. Ben-Amos (1980:28) has also observed
the existence of over 900 known plaques, which provided a testimony
to court life at the time of Oba Esigie, though the plaques
themselves were considered to be “a sort of pictorial record of
events in Benin history, an aid to memorizing oral traditions”.
Table I: Media of Art and End Products
|
S/N |
Type |
Material Used |
Sources of Materials |
General Products |
|
1. |
Metal |
i.
Iron
|
i.
Local ore at the
embankment at Igueoriakhi, Benin.
ii.
Slags
from Igbo Ala (Illah). |
Tools, weapons, altar figures,
(e.g. gongs and bells).
|
|
|
|
ii.
Brass/Bronze |
Still subject to debate |
Decorative and commemorative
objects on royal shrines and altars |
|
2. |
Wood |
iii.
Hard wood
|
Local forest
|
Buildings, decorative and
commemorative objects, home utilities. |
|
|
|
iv.
Camwood
v.
(Ume) |
Local swamp forest. |
Camwood
beads dyeing of bone beads to give red colour. |
|
3. |
Ivory |
Elephant tusk
|
Through hunting
|
Shrine and altar decor, ivory
accessories like bangles. |
|
4. |
Bone |
Animal, Fish |
Hunting, fishing |
Shrine and altar decor, bone
beads and pendants. |
|
5. |
Shell |
i.
Sea shells
ii.
(Cowries) |
The sea sandbanks on the beach
and through trade. |
Shrine and altar decor,
neckwear. The cowries crown money. |
|
|
|
iii.
Fruit shells
iv.
(Nuts) |
Local forest |
Neck wear, shrine and altar
decor, waist chain (akpolo) |
|
6. |
Fibre |
v.
Cotton |
Local farms |
Thread, clothes (calico) |
|
|
|
vi.
Reed |
Local forest |
Mats and bags |
|
|
|
vii.
Cane |
Local forest |
Ropes, baskets tray baskets. |
|
|
|
viii.
Palm fibre |
Local forest; palm trees |
Sieves, mats, brooms, raffia
bags and raffia clothe. |
|
7. |
Leather |
Animal skins |
Local hunting |
Leather bags,
Leather fans. |
|
8. |
Clay/mud |
i.
Clay |
Local streams |
Pots, dishes and knobs of
chalk, commemorative objects |
|
|
|
ii.
Mud |
Local earth |
Shrine and altar figurines
terra cotta art, walls of building. |
|
9. |
Stone |
Rock pieces |
Through trade from areas of
rocky hills |
Stone beads, shrine and altar
decor. |
Conclusion
Knowing the past is a basic need of all mankind. Apart from
the psychological fulfillment it can give, the past lives in the
present and defines the present, and we are either its beneficiaries
or its victims. Moreover, it is part and parcel a people’s cultural
patrimony. At different stages of development and in different
cultures, man’s concern with his historical antecedents has
constantly created in him a certain restlessness of the intellect
that led to a variety of devices for recording or probing into the
past. Thus, history was already part of the human story long before
the advent of writing. A conceit of Western scholarship, however,
once defined history restrictively in terms of written narratives.
This certainly is untenable, for just as in Western societies
slides, photographs, museum objects, films and so on provide
alternative ways of maintaining contact with the past, so in oral
civilizations are there several ways of recording history. Besides
the use of commemorative festivals, different forms of oral
literature such as folktales, poems, plays, songs, riddles and
proverbs, mnemonics constitutes perhaps the most precise method in
what may be called the ethno-historiography of many peoples and
cultures of the world. African communities who have always sought to
keep their collective memories alive without the benefit of a
writing tradition have worked the mnemonic technique to a high level
of sophistication. One good example is the profession of the griot
in the Sahelian sub-region of Africa. The similar example among the
Benin consists in a most ingenious marriage of mnemonics and the
arts and crafts industry to produce a complex of incredibly accurate
markers of time and events in that kingdom. We do not argue that
this way of keeping and remembering the past is necessarily perfect
or the best. But that is only because no one human way of doing
things is ever perfect. Not even written history.
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